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Declaration of Independence - Transatlantic Difference Viewpoint

The Transatlantic Difference viewpoint holds that the American Declaration of Independence (1776) represents a fundamentally distinct political tradition from the contemporaneous and subsequent European liberal and revolutionary movements - one grounded in English common law, inherited constitutional rights, and practical self-governance rather than abstract rationalist philosophy. Holders of this view argue that the Declaration's principles, while expressed in the universal language of natural rights, were animated by a specifically Anglo-American legal and political inheritance that set the American founding apart from the French Revolution and later European liberal movements. This viewpoint is held by conservative and classical liberal historians, political theorists in the Burkean and Whig traditions, and scholars of comparative constitutionalism.

Core Arguments

The Declaration as a common law document. Proponents argue that despite its Lockean phrasing, the Declaration's grievances are overwhelmingly legal and procedural in character - complaints about jury trials, judicial independence, standing armies, taxation without representation, and the suspension of colonial legislatures. These are not abstract philosophical demands but specific violations of the rights of Englishmen as understood since Magna Carta and the 1689 Bill of Rights. Russell Kirk, Edmund Burke's American interpreters, and scholars such as Barry Alan Shain have argued that the Declaration is better read as a legal indictment than as a philosophical manifesto.1)2)

Prudential rather than utopian. Advocates of this viewpoint contend that the American founders were not social engineers seeking to remake human nature or restructure society from first principles. The Declaration asserts rights as pre-existing realities - inherited, not invented - and the Revolution aimed to preserve an existing order against Crown encroachment rather than to inaugurate a new one. This distinguishes it sharply from the French Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789), which holders of this view read as a rationalist document premised on a clean break with the past and the construction of a new political man.3)

The role of religious inheritance. Many in this tradition emphasize the Protestant, particularly Calvinist and dissenting Protestant, roots of American political culture. The colonists' sense of covenantal obligation, distrust of concentrated authority, and insistence on local self-governance are traced not to Enlightenment rationalism but to Reformed theology and the English Puritan tradition. This gives the Declaration a moral weight and communal grounding that, proponents argue, purely rationalist European liberalism lacked.4)

Institutional continuity vs. revolutionary rupture. This viewpoint stresses that the American founding preserved existing colonial institutions - legislatures, common law courts, local governance structures - rather than abolishing them. The French and later European revolutionary traditions tended toward centralization and the destruction of intermediate institutions. Gordon Wood's account of the period, while acknowledging a degree of radicalism in the American founding, is frequently engaged by proponents of this viewpoint who emphasize the degree of institutional continuity it also documents. The Declaration, on this reading, represents a conservative act: the defense of functioning self-government against an overreaching metropole, not the assertion of ideology against tradition.5)6)

Historical Development

The Transatlantic Difference viewpoint has roots in Edmund Burke's distinction between the American and French Revolutions. Burke praised the American colonists as men “not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on English principles.”7) He saw their revolt as a vindication of constitutional tradition rather than abstract philosophy, and this reading was taken up by 19th-century Whig historians in Britain and conservative thinkers in America.

In the 20th century, the viewpoint was developed systematically by Russell Kirk, who traced American order through Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, and Philadelphia - insisting that the American founding was the culmination of a long civilizational inheritance rather than a break from it. Friedrich Hayek, approaching from a classical liberal rather than conservative direction, drew a similar distinction between the English tradition of evolved, spontaneous order and the Continental tradition of constructivist rationalism, locating the American founding firmly in the former.8)

Comparative constitutional scholars and political theorists in the late 20th and early 21st centuries - including Roger Scruton, Harvey Mansfield, and Daniel Hannan - have extended this analysis, often in explicit contrast to the European Union's constitutional project, which they see as embodying precisely the rationalist, top-down approach that the American founding rejected.9)

Notable Proponents

Edmund Burke (1729-1797) - Irish-born British statesman and political theorist whose Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and earlier speeches on American conciliation established the foundational distinction between English constitutional liberty and French rationalist revolution.

Russell Kirk (1918-1994) - American political theorist and author of The Roots of American Order (1974), which explicitly traced American political culture through multiple civilizational inheritances and argued against the view that the founding was a product of abstract Enlightenment rationalism.

Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992) - Austrian-British economist and philosopher who distinguished between the British evolutionary tradition of liberty and the French constructivist tradition, placing American constitutionalism in the former camp in The Constitution of Liberty and Law, Legislation and Liberty.10)

Harvey Mansfield (b. 1932) - Harvard political theorist who has written on the English origins of American constitutionalism and the differences between American and European liberal traditions.

Daniel Hannan (b. 1971) - British conservative politician and writer whose Inventing Freedom (2013) argues that liberty as understood in the Anglosphere represents a distinct and historically specific tradition traceable through the English-speaking world.

Roger Scruton (1944-2020) - British philosopher who argued extensively for the distinctiveness of Anglo-American political culture relative to Continental rationalism, particularly in The West and the Rest and England: An Elegy.11)

Internal Debates

How universal are the Declaration's claims? Proponents disagree about whether the universalist language of the Declaration - “all men are created equal,” “unalienable Rights” - represents genuine philosophical universalism that transcends the Anglo-American context, or whether it is best understood as rhetorical flourish layered over a fundamentally particularist legal document. Some in this tradition (Hannan, Scruton) hold that the English tradition did produce genuinely universal values, but that these values are only reliably transmitted through specific institutional inheritances. Others are more skeptical of the universalist framing entirely.

Lockean vs. common law foundations. Scholars debate how much John Locke actually shaped the Declaration's meaning as opposed to providing its vocabulary. Some - following Bernard Bailyn - emphasize the role of Whig political thought and common law. Others, including those influenced by Leo Strauss, give more weight to Locke's philosophical contribution and read the founding as more rationalist than the Burkean interpretation allows.12)13)

The scope of the distinction. Some proponents argue the Transatlantic Difference is primarily relevant to the comparison with France and later Continental movements, but that significant common ground exists between Anglo-American and Dutch or Swiss republican traditions. Others hold that the distinctiveness is broader and applies to most of European political development after 1789.

Footnotes

~~FOOTNOTES~~

1)
Kirk, Russell. The Roots of American Order. LaSalle, IL: Open Court, 1974.
2)
Shain, Barry Alan. The Myth of American Individualism: The Protestant Origins of American Political Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.
3)
Scruton, Roger. The West and the Rest: Globalization and the Terrorist Threat. Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2002.
4)
Noll, Mark A. America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
5)
Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism of the American Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992.
6) , 12)
Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967.
7)
Burke, Edmund. Speech on Conciliation with America. March 22, 1775.
8)
Hayek, F.A. The Constitution of Liberty. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960.
9)
Hannan, Daniel. Inventing Freedom: How the English-Speaking Peoples Made the Modern World. New York: Broadside Books, 2013.
10)
Hayek, F.A. Law, Legislation and Liberty. 3 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973-1979.
11)
Scruton, Roger. England: An Elegy. London: Chatto & Windus, 2000.
13)
Strauss, Leo. Natural Right and History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953.
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