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New Deal Constitutional Crisis

The New Deal Constitutional Crisis refers to the period of acute tension between the executive and judicial branches of the United States federal government during the 1930s, in which the Supreme Court struck down several major legislative initiatives of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal program on constitutional grounds, prompting Roosevelt to propose restructuring the Court. The boundaries of the crisis - when it began, when it ended, and what it ultimately resolved - remain subjects of historical interpretation.

Background and History

Between 1933 and 1937, the Supreme Court invalidated a series of New Deal statutes, including the National Industrial Recovery Act (1935), the Agricultural Adjustment Act (1936), and others, holding that Congress had improperly delegated legislative power to the executive branch or exceeded its authority under the Commerce Clause. The Court during this period is often characterized by the presence of the “Four Horsemen,” four justices - Pierce Butler, James McReynolds, George Sutherland, and Willis Van Devanter - who consistently voted against New Deal measures, alongside Justices Louis Brandeis, Benjamin Cardozo, and Harlan Fiske Stone, who generally supported them, with Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes and Justice Owen Roberts occupying contested middle ground.

For a full account of events, see New Deal Constitutional Crisis - History.

Current State of Knowledge

The crisis is broadly understood to have reached its peak in early 1937, when Roosevelt introduced the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill - commonly called the “court-packing plan” - which proposed to add one new justice for every sitting justice over the age of seventy, up to a maximum of six additional members. The plan was widely seen as an attempt to install a Court majority favorable to New Deal legislation. Shortly thereafter, Justice Owen Roberts shifted his voting pattern to uphold New Deal measures, a development retrospectively labeled “the switch in time that saved nine,” though historians continue to debate whether Roberts's change was a direct response to the plan, a response to Roosevelt's landslide 1936 reelection, or a continuation of an earlier interpretive shift. The court-packing bill ultimately failed in the Senate, yet New Deal legislation subsequently survived constitutional challenge under a broadened reading of the Commerce Clause and the taxing-and-spending power.

The degree to which the crisis produced durable constitutional change, as opposed to a temporary political accommodation, remains a subject of active scholarly discussion. Some constitutional historians treat the episode as a foundational moment in the development of modern administrative government; others emphasize the continuity of constitutional doctrine across the period.

Viewpoints

* The Court was properly resisting unconstitutional delegation of power. Proponents of this view hold that the pre-1937 Court was applying established constitutional doctrine and that the New Deal legislation genuinely exceeded the bounds of enumerated federal power. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-court-restraint-viewpoint.

* The Court was engaged in substantive due process activism protecting economic interests. This view holds that the Four Horsemen and their allies read laissez-faire economic preferences into the Constitution without clear textual basis, and that the post-1937 shift represented a correction rather than a capitulation. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-judicial-activism-viewpoint.

* The crisis produced a legitimate constitutional revolution. Associated with scholars such as Bruce Ackerman, this view treats the 1937 transition as a ratified structural change in American constitutional order - an informal amendment - even though no formal amendment was enacted. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-constitutional-revolution-viewpoint.

* The crisis demonstrated the dangers of executive pressure on judicial independence. Commentators in this tradition emphasize the threat that Roosevelt's plan posed to the separation of powers, regardless of the merits of the underlying legislation. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-judicial-independence-viewpoint.

Controversies

* The court-packing plan. Roosevelt's 1937 proposal to expand the Supreme Court generated immediate partisan and institutional conflict, was rejected by a Democratic-controlled Senate, and continues to be debated as a precedent for executive-legislative pressure on the judiciary. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-court-packing-plan-controversy.

* The “switch in time.” Whether Justice Roberts's change in voting behavior was a response to political pressure, electoral returns, or independent doctrinal evolution remains a documented historical dispute with significant implications for understanding judicial independence. See new-deal-constitutional-crisis-switch-in-time-controversy.

Footnotes

1. William E. Leuchtenburg, The Supreme Court Reborn: The Constitutional Revolution in the Age of Roosevelt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 82-162. 2. Barry Cushman, Rethinking the New Deal Court: The Structure of a Constitutional Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 3-29. 3. Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 2: Transformations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 279-382. 4. Jeff Shesol, Supreme Power: Franklin Roosevelt vs. the Supreme Court (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), 3-22, 434-501. 5. Laura Kalman, “The Constitution, the Supreme Court, and the New Deal,” American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (2005): 1052-80. 6. G. Edward White, The Constitution and the New Deal (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 1-27.

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